Active Participation In Politics: Soldier’s Dilemma

Ghana, as a democratic Republic, is faced with yet another opportunity to further strengthen her democratic credentials under the 4th Republic. The opportunity comes each time along with its own challenges. The degree of the challenges, however, differs from one individual or group to the other. For members of the security services in general and the Ghana Armed Forces in particular, the challenges are enormous.

Apart from expectations that the military should be prepared to support the police to maintain law and order during the electioneering period, the individual soldier is also faced with the duty of properly conducting himself in a manner to avoid appearing as engaging in active party politics. But what exactly, within the law, are members of the military allowed or not allowed to do when it comes to politics?

Clause 1 of Article 19.45 of the Armed Forces Regulations (AFR) Volume I prohibits commanding officers from allowing a political meeting to be held or a political speech to be delivered at their stations, units or ships. They are also not to allow a candidate of an election or a political agent or canvasser to visit their stations, units or ships for the purpose of carrying out political activities unless authorized by or under service instructions or orders.



Again, clause 2 of the said Article proscribes a soldier from issuing an address to electors, or announcing himself or allowing himself to be announced as a candidate, or prospective candidate, for election to Parliament or to a local council, or instituting or taking part in any party or political meeting at any station, unit, ship or property occupied by the Armed Forces.

Aside these specifics, clause 2 further provides for the omnibus proscription of soldiers taking active part in the affairs of any political organization or party.

Interestingly, the Regulation appears to have failed to give soldiers an idea as to what amounts to active participation or involvement in the affairs of a political organization or party. The framers of the regulations left the determination of what amounts to active involvement in politics to the tribunal of fact. The decisions of the tribunal are in turn expected to inform all who are subject to the Regulations what specific situations could be regarded as active participation in the affairs of a political organization or party.

Unfortunately, there is scarcity of military tribunals’ decisions, or what may be referred to as case law, on what may qualify as active participation in the affairs of a political organization or party. Thus neither the Armed Forces Regulations nor the decisions of military tribunals provide sufficient guidance for military personnel on the issue.

Command therefore tries to fill the vacuum by periodically reminding service personnel on the need to avoid openly showing affiliations to political parties and getting involved in active party politics. But can this suffice as a sufficient guiding definition of what is active party politics such that if the activity of the soldier openly shows his affiliation to a particular political party, then that could be regarded as active involvement in party politics?

But wait a minute; one may then ask what ‘open exhibition of political affiliation’ is? This appears to have been answered by the stipulation of some specific prohibitions that include: bearing of political party membership cards, attending political party meetings and offering personal (not official) services as body guards to bigwigs of political parties.

Notwithstanding all the guidance provided by Command, some military personnel are still clouded by an aura of doubt as to the extent to which the proscription goes. They appear to be in a dilemma when considering other instances that may or may not amount to active participation in politics.

Take for instance a soldier wishing to be apprised of the policies of a political party in order to inform his decision on voting day, and who joins a crowd at a political rally outside barracks to listen to the politicians’ ‘sermon’. Could this soldier be said to have engaged in active party politics?

Does it matter if he were dressed, at the time, in military uniform or not? Consider a second scenario where a soldier who lives in his own accommodation (outside barracks) is visited by his civilian friends draped in political party paraphernalia. The friends spend a couple of minutes with him in the house before leaving. Could the host soldier be said to be doing active party politics?

Again, consider another scenario where two or more soldiers prior to an election reflect together on which political party or candidate to vote for. Then a soldier expresses his candid opinion to his colleagues why he thinks a particular party or candidate should be voted for. Is that soldier guilty of doing active party politics?

The list of the scenarios that puts the soldier in a dilemma as to what exactly constitutes ‘active participation in politics’ could be pretty long. A friend of mine tells me that to avoid being disciplined for actively participating in party politics, one only needs to follow the principle “don’t be seen and don’t be heard.” Could this also suffice as yet another guiding principle?

Be that as it may, it is imperative that we have some more guidance on situations that could lead to soldiers being disciplined for engaging in active party politics. It is important to realize that the Armed Forces would not prevent its personnel from reasonably participating in our democratic process.

Hence, the Armed Forces would always provide the enabling environment for its personnel to reasonably exercise their political rights, such as allowing them to undertake their biometric voter registration, and also encourage them to vote. But when, for example, it comes to actively campaigning for political parties or candidates, the military would frown upon it. A diligent soldier in a dilemma and not too sure of what could be regarded as active participation in politics may first take guidance from the specifically published instances that could be regarded as active involvement in party politics.

Guidance may also be sought from the national Constitution or legislations that make similar proscriptions in their provisions. For example, Article 94 (3) (b) of the 1992 Constitution makes a member of the Armed Forces ineligible to be a Member of Parliament. This limitation is further stretched by section 26(1) of the Political Parties Act, 2000 (Act 574) which states that a chief or any other person who is not eligible to be elected to Parliament does not qualify to be a founding member, a leader or a member of the executive of a political party; or hold office in a political party.

Even without an express prohibition under the Regulations, one may deduce that since service personnel are ineligible to be elected to Parliament they cannot become founding members, executive members or office holders in any political party. If after looking at the constitutional and all other legislative provisions on the issue and one is still in a dilemma, it is suggested guidance should be sought from attempts made by writers to define the phrase. Indeed, partisan political activity could be any activity supporting or relating to candidates representing, or issues specifically identified with political parties or associated organizations. 

One would have thought the above submission concludes the controversy on the possibility of soldiers facing disciplinary action for engaging in active party politics. That is, however, far from the case because many more issues require interrogation. For example, would it be constitutionally proper to convict service personnel for allegedly engaging in active party politics when no clear definition of the phrase has been provided for?

Article 19 (11) of the 1992 Constitution provides that “No person shall be convicted of a criminal offence unless the offence is defined and the penalty for it is prescribed in a written law”. So one may argue that in view of Article 19 (11) the omnibus proscription under Clause 2 of Article 19.45 of the AFR forbidding soldiers from engaging in active party politics is void, since the Regulation fails to define ‘taking active part in the affairs of any political organization or party’.

It is respectfully submitted however that such an argument would fly in the face of the law, for the simple reason that it is impossible to list all conducts that could constitute active engagement in party politics in one enactment. There are a number of such similar omnibus provisions under our laws.

For example, section 16(1) of the Legal Profession Act 1962 (Act 32) does not itemize what constitutes ‘grave misconduct in a professional respect’ for lawyers, but that does not make section 16(1) of Act 32 void. Similarly, section 54 of Armed Forces Act 1962 (Act 105) does not specify the particular acts that constitute conduct prejudicial to good order and discipline yet several military personnel have been convicted and punished there under.

The possibility of sustaining a conviction on these omnibus provisions was confirmed in the Court Martial Appeal Court case of WOI Foli John vrs The Republic [Criminal Appeal No.2/8 of 1998]. The inability of the law makers to define active participation in party politics can therefore not be used as a defence when it comes to trying military personnel for engaging in active party politics.

A conviction or acquittal would depend, in each case, on the nature of the conduct that the personnel engaged in. If the tribunal of fact finds that the conduct qualifies as active participation in party politics, one can be successfully convicted. It is therefore necessary for all to be circumspect in the kind of activities that we engage in, particularly in this election year to avoid falling foul of the law.

Credit: Lt Col Charles Gbekle

And The Tension Continues…

The race for appointment as Chief of Defence Staff and Service Chiefs for the last lap of the non-performing Mills/Mahama regimes is “hot” and continues to be the source and catalyst of tension and fear in our community. 

 

Interested personalities and their lobbyists are very busy marketing themselves, destroying their perceived competitors and pretending to be performing their duties extremely well and better over their par values. 

 

In fact, our ears and eyes have stumbled upon a lot of materials that suggest that the military hierarchy (High command and Commanders of various levels) is doing a lot of disservice to Ama Ghana.  Commanders in our community have taken enviable positions in the NDC “create, loot and share” division (there are now more than three CLS Brigades in the country).  There is a free for all scramble for money and other resources to prosecute these individual ambitions, selfish, parochial and vicious interests of the “self-appointed candidates” for the offices of CDS, Service Chiefs, Commanders of Commands, Formations, Regions, Divisions, Bases, Brigades, Regiments, Units, Districts, Stations, Platoons and Squads.

There are allegations of serious financial hemorrhage in all our communities – Military, Police, Immigration, Customs Division of GRA, Prison Service, Fire Service, BNI, National Security Secretariat and Allied Agencies.

In all these cases, the rank and file of the Security Services are suffering.  The opportunity cost of the financial hemorrhage is huge, enormous and monumental. For instance, very basic items and materials such as uniforms, boots, web equipment, stationery and office equipment cannot be provided by the authorities for the troops, security personnel and agents of the security services. 

The irony of the situation is that while the units, stations, cells and offices are crying for very basic essential items and materials, the Commanders especially the top echelon, are swimming in oceans of opulence, extravagance and arrogance.  These Commanders are competing for mansions at Aviation Area in Ashalley Botwe, Airport Residential Area, Cantonments, Tsa-do, Labone, Dzorwulu and the various communities in Accra – Tema Metropolitan Areas and other High Class Areas in Kumasi, Sekondi – Takoradi, Cape Coast, Sunyani, Bolgatanga, Wa, Tamale, Ho and Koforidua.

Readers should not be surprised at this revelation as military and other security vehicles are used to cart goods, materials and equipment for building and construction on daily basis from Accra and other Regional Capitals to these high class areas in the regional capitals and hometowns of these Commanders. 

The Commanders should not forget that the vehicles are driven by “poor” junior ranks and officers of the security services.  Doubting Thomases should check on the Tema – Ho, Tema – Aflao, Kumasi – Tamale and Techiman – Wa roads on daily basis and especially during weekends to see how Ama Ghana is suffering from the diabolical, mischievous and criminally-minded activities of the Commanders of our communities.  It is very serious and pathetic that we have Commanders and leaders who are very insensitive and callous to the plight and sufferings of their subordinates.

But who can blame the Commanders of our communities for their unhealthy race for money, property and material, gains? 

Our Commanders are not operating on the latest volcanic island of Tonga but they are operating in an environment where corruption, stealing, looting and inappropriate acquisition of money and property is the order of the day. In fact, from the first to the last member of the current regime the allegation of corruption flies.  The Commanders in our communities are not “fools” to watch toddlers and neophytes in politics (thanks to late John Mills and John Mahama) who are now millionaires and billionaires, arrogantly displaying wealth, acquiring property left, centre and right and insulting the good people of Ghana because of their nouveau-riche status without doing same. 

It is sad that the nouveache-riche undeserved politicians of the umbrella fraternity who pretended to be socialists par excellence “hating” property and thereby teasing the “elephant fraternity” as property owning democrats at the time that they were not in power, are today Commanding the heights of Ghana’s economy – owning industries, businesses, services, houses, vehicles, equipment and directing the political destiny of Ama Ghana.

The umbrella fraternity that did not agree with lawyer President J. A. Kufour that evidence had to be provided before prosecuting people for corruption are today relying on the same legal reasoning and are demanding evidence of their corrupt practices or inappropriate means of acquiring wealth and property from their accusers.

But these criminally-minded persons know inside their hearts that but for their involvement in politics they were “nobodies” and perhaps could have remained so until they found legitimate means of acquiring wealth.

All sincere peace loving Ghanaians who knew these persons before January 2009 are convinced that politics has enabled these persons to elevate themselves from “poverty” to riches overnight. Persons who did not have even certificates as at 7 January 2009 and had therefore not worked (forget national service) in any reputable organization in their lives before that date are today owners of mansions, luxurious vehicles, fat bank accounts in and outside Ghana, huge sums of money in their bedrooms, in their vehicles, in their garages, in holes in their compounds, with their wives, girlfriends, family members, surrogates and proxies. 

Do we need any evidence to support our allegations of corruption against members of the NDC government when these people lived in our communities with our people and their social and economic positions were known and today because of their political leanings they are owners of everything one can imagine and think of and yet they want to be seen as angels!! Today, filling stations, vehicles and mansions owned by these NDC personnel and their surrogates are everywhere (in cities and rural areas).

God, Almighty, Immanent, Omnipotent has seen all of them from the President to the lowest NDC member who have stolen public money.  Technicalities may be used to “exonerate” these persons but their hearts will continue to be dark and judgment day awaits them.  They profess to be Christians and Muslims and perhaps pagans and yet they go against the ten commandments of the Lord.  They go to church periodically, visit the mosque on Fridays, consult their shrines, mallams and soothsayers on elected days and yet refuse to accept that they are corrupt and involved in creating, looting and sharing of the resources of the state with impurity. 

If they look at their assets as at 7 January 2009 and compare them with what they have today would they honestly need the Martin Amidus, Bawumiahs and the pressure groups to tell them that they have been and are corrupt and thieves? How come that suddenly people who in yester-years could not afford even meals (once in a day) are today father-Christmas sharing goods and money to people (the poor in particular) for all sorts of political favours? If they could not distribute a piece of cloth and a bar of key soap in 2008, how come that after January 2009 and especially after 2010 they are going round the country with vans, trucks and vehicles sharing bales of cloth, boxes of soap, drums of cooking oil, boxes of sardines, mackerel, cutlasses and notes of cedis under various guises? 

How come that suddenly they are acquiring or have acquired degrees, diplomas and certificates from Tertiary institutions when in fact in the 1970s and 1980s that they “passed” their ordinary level school certificate and general certificate examinations they could not go to training colleges, universities, agricultural institutions, nursing training schools, Institutes of Professional Studies, Sixth form Secondary Schools? Yet in a matter of years some of these “looters” are using their looted money and resources to acquire first, second and third degrees and professional degrees even in law!!!

Commercial education indeed! How come that these persons could not enroll at the Legons, KNUSTS, UCCS, UEWS, UDS, UMATS (Government/State Universities) but have found it appropriate to “pay their way” in the private tertiary institutions and the public tertiary institutions operating purely on commercial basis?

It is all these that have spurred Commanders in our communities to prepare for their rainy days by joining the CLS Division of the umbrella fraternity.  That is the order of the day.  The political leadership of Ghana today, their cronies, family members, girl friends and boyfriends are the ones creating the “enabling environment” for the leaders in our community to create, loot and share the few resources meant for the general welfare, well-being and operational needs of each and every member of our community.

Being insatiable, just as the leading members of the umbrella fraternity, our leaders in this community are allocating to themselves the few resources without caring about what the ordinary soldier, policeman, immigration officer, customs officer, fireman/woman, prison officer or national security agent would wear, arm himself or work with.  

Our leaders are going on frivolous trips especially to China and Brazil collecting fat All Inclusive Allowances and yet are being catered for by the responsible Defence Advisers/Attachés to the detriment of officers and men who go on courses and official duties. 

 

Again, money meant for peace support operations go into the pockets of our Commanders while vital vehicles and equipment meant for these operations are not bought. Where the items are bought, their qualities are inferior and at very astronomically inflated prices thereby denying the security services and Ama Ghana real value for money.  

There are Staff Officers at Service and General Headquarters who sit in Ghana and collect fatter “allowances” from these peace support operations far in excess of what the real participants collect in the Area of Operation (AO).

 For instance, a Chief Staff Officer at the Army Headquarters kept collecting money meant for the maintenance of the contingent’s equipment in the AO leaving the poor Command and Staff Officers helpless. 

With this development, the Commanding officers also started appropriating to themselves allowances and budgetary allocations meant for their subordinate Commanders, the unit’s equipment and vehicles thereby undermining the generational capabilities, capacities and effectiveness of Ghanaian troops in the AO.  The poor soldiers on day and night patrols suffered as a result of the looting by Commanders at home and in the field

What is More Important - Love or Commitment?

I used to be such a starry-eyed believer of love. I thought that love conquered all - and that as long as you shared that feeling with someone, it meant that the relationship would last. In the theory of fairytales and movies, this may be the case, but in North American reality - not quite. Instead, love is only one of the many ingredients needed for a long-lasting partnership. But the concerning issue is - people put so much weight on the feeling of love, a feeling that inevitably changes, takes different forms and can get blinded easily.

A partnership is not just about the emotions and feelings of love. A partnership is about commitment, and being responsible to that commitment regardless of what the external variables of the time are. It's about the commitment to choosing decisions that will serve the relationship even when it would "feel" better to not. Married or not married, when you decide to enter into a partnership with another, commitment means you act with integrity, respect and care -even when your emotions are telling you otherwise.

Because love isn't enough. Let me clarify, love, in the way most of us define it, isn't enough. Love isn't what makes you decide to not act out your desires when someone attractive starts showing you attention (and you haven't had sex in months). Love is not what makes you apologize and give your partner a hug after an argument (even though inside you know you're 100% right).

Love is not what makes you weather the storm when disaster strikes (which it will). Love is not what makes you decide to treat each other with kindness, respect and empathy during a breakup or divorce (you'd be surprised how quickly love can feel like hate at that time). No, it's not love. It's commitment. It's the responsibility to keeping your commitment. Not just to the other person, but to yourself.

Love, and that giddy feeling in your stomach may be what guides you when you're feeling great about the apple of your eye. But what steers you when you're going through an ebb, or a rough patch? Can you depend on love at that point?

Love isn't rational. It can't be controlled. If you allow a feeling that is so emotional and malleable to dictate your behaviour, you'll realize quickly that it only pans out when things are up, not when they're down. Commitment on the other hand, will guide you through both. Commitment is not dependant on the heartstrings, it's dependant on a conscious choice you make - and that, is something you have complete control over.

OTIKO DJABA MUST WAKE UP

If there is one single individual who is currently suffering from a massive internal criticism to deliver in her political party today, that person is Madam Otiko Afisah Djaba. 

The criticism is not a new one and Otiko is equally not new to this kind of critique. It has always been there and in the run up to the last year`s NPP delegate congress at Tamale, she was one of the personalities in the party which many political pundits thought was going to lose her position as a result of barrage of attacks from her opponents within the party.  

To many of her critics, since Otiko landed into the big shoes of Madam Rita Asobayire, the former National Women’s Organizer of NPP in 2009, she has not been able to radicalized NPP`s woman`s wing.  The department is a pale shadow of its former self, no meaningful activities take place to help equip women of the party to strategize for effective campaigning in the electioneering periods. This situation culminated into massive attack on Madam Djaba. Her detractors also latched on to make matters worse as she became a target of morbid internal mudslinging against her reputation by branding her a “traitor” due to her hometown (Bole) and blood ties with President John Mahama. 

On top of this, she is seen as pro-Kufuor and an Alan loyalist in within the NPP and her non-performance inferred directly as a deliberate attempt at working internally against the presidential ambitions of Nana Akufo Addo. On this particular allegation, Otiko vehemently disagrees and has waged a media campaign of her own to successfully quell to retain her hard earned dignity. 

Before delving into the issue of what Otiko is not doing right as the women’s organizer of the largest opposition party in Ghana and how she can best utilize opportunities and human resources at her disposal to ensure the optimal growth, resilience and electoral success of NPP, let us enjoy a personal track record and profile of Madam Otiko.

At 52 years, Otiko Afisah Djaba, the Bole-born NPP women’s organizer is no political naiveté.  She was born into a die-hard UP family, her father Henry Kojo Djaba was a millionaire industrialist, former Ghana football Association (GFA) president and a staunch CPP activist turned UPist.  Mr. Djaba, a Manya Krobo indigene from Somanya operated the largest Neoplan buses “I shall return,” his unrepentant UP association caused him to be chased into exile by the Rawlings regime.  Otiko had her Danquah-Busia-Dombo ideology inculcated into her from infancy.  

Otiko is learned, very vibrant, dynamic, innovative and with fresh ideas and holds a degree from university of Development Studies (UDS), Tamale. She has wide experience in development communication and rural development.  Otiko held many senior level positions in prestigious organizations as a communications consultant and a development practitioner. She is the Founder and Chief Executive Officer 2002 of Miidan Educational Trust (NGO). She developed top notch programmes for televisions and FM stations across the country. 

Before contesting for NPP women’s organizer position in 2009, Otiko has been the Personal Assistant to the late Vice President, Hon. Aliu Mahama.  She has also been a parliamentary candidate for Bole-Bamboi constituency in 2008, a member of the National Communications Team of NPP, and as a polyglot, she speaks eight local dialects including Hausa, Gonja, Dagbani, Wale, Twi, Fanti, Ga and Dangme.

With this solid profile, Otiko’s occupation of the NPP National Women Organizer position from 2009 to date is well-deserved.

 Despite criticisms against her, she has always shown a superb communications and debating skills that always sent shivers down her political opponents especially those from the ruling NDC government.  She has proved herself as a strong and resilient individual who believes in equality for all and an advocate for more women in politics, the right to education for all and above all believes in Ghana. 

At certain times when the leadership of the party were tight-lipped about the manner some founding members of the party have ignored the laid down rules and waging a media war against the leaders (especially Nana Akufo Addo) and structures of the party, Madam Otiko  took matters to her hand and single-handedly dealt with them in a sustained media banters. 

Last year, even when she was being accused of working against the interest of Nana Addo, she shocked her detractors by slamming Dr. Nyaho Nyaho-Tamakloe, Dr. Arthur Kennedy and Dr. Charles Wereko-Brobbey, for what she described as their attempts to run the party, and many of its leaders, into the gutter for their parochial aims. In her anger and a manner uncharacteristic of her, she declared that “God will punish such people.” 

Political commentators believe that the finesse with which she tackled the allegations against her coupled with her effective use of her superior communication skills on the media convinced her detractors and well-wishers and ensured her retention as National Womens organizer of NPP as well as enjoying the record as the only old executive that was re-elected among the new executives.

The question of Otiko Djaba`s tenureship of NPP Women’s Wing as a National Women’s Organizer needs a serious dissection and pragmatic solutions most be gathered to help the party win the 2016 elections. Though Otiko has done her best but it was not the best at all. NPP`s Women’s Wing is virtually dead on the ground. 

No activities earmarked for a take-off, except that only Otiko is always heard on the radio debating as a panelist or snippets of media reportage of conferences and symposiums she attended are captured. One hardly hears about inauguration of Women’s wing at various regions and districts. It is always about Otiko on the radio or Otiko speaking at a workshop. It is time for Otiko to change tactics and bring her ideas to the grass-root because 2008 and 2012 elections have shown that that media visibility and campaign leverage alone cannot win the voters. 

Per the last census, women in Ghana are more than men; and so a party`s ability to fashion out sustained pragmatic strategies and programs to win the women in the country will ipso facto translate into electoral victory. It is against this backdrop that Otiko`s role currently is very important and a daunting task than all his male executive counterparts at the National headquarters.  As Eric Bawa, a political columnist in Daily Guide newspaper rightly averred, “the time has come for Madam Afiko Djaba to wipe her lipstick from her lips, learn to wear low heel shoes and jeans because the battle will be tough and there will be no time to show off designer clothes. 

The advantage this lady has over other Women’s Organizers is that apart from the fact that she comes from the North, she can speak many languages. What past National Women’s Organizers did not know was that while they sat in Accra and directed affairs, Constituency Women’s Organizers did absolutely nothing. They waited until there was a function or a gathering of NPP followers, where there was a need to cook food, before they were seen in action. In fact, they were Constituency Women Disorganisers. They fought among themselves over who should take more food home after serving the delegates and who should pocket more money when the opportunity came.”

In a recent secret document I sighted on a creation of NPP`s Women’s Wing and strategies mapped out for achieving electoral success by two young, dedicated and politically astute NPP men, the answer to current National Women’s Wing was  captured. I was shocked to know that a valuable document like that was sent to Otiko and nothing in its content has been implemented. Otiko has put it somewhere and is gathering dust.

The closest Otiko has come to speak about that document and its implementation was in her “Nkabom crusade” speech after her reelection at Tamale when she narrowly escaped the axe of the party’s delegates by 26 votes to beat her closest contender. 

Instead of instituting the parameters in the document of the two NPP researchers within the internal NPP Women’s Wing structures as proposed, Otiko is rather talking about outside implementation with specific regards to upcoming district assembly elections.  Here her: “To ensure that more women are elected into leadership positions at the constituency, district, regional and national levels, I am going to work at identifying potential women leaders who will contest both in local and national elections.” 

Her main agenda for the upcoming district assembly elections and the 2016 general election is to increase the number of women at the assembly level and in Parliament. She is thus going to work with young ladies, especially those in tertiary institution, queens and other identifiable women’s groups to help increase the number of women in the country’s politics.

Otiko should start implementing the laudable ideas within NPP Women’s Wing document which put the base of the Women’s Wing Structure close to 21,000 Women Organizers at the Polling station level and representing the largest force in terms of numbers across the structures of the wing. To ensure its success, the Women’s Wing must be tasked to embark on a massive recruitment exercise nationwide from October 2015 to June 2016 by targeting females in both the formal and informal sectors of the economy as well as students.

The recruitment exercise should be held in all constituencies, Tertiary institutions and specifically designated points.  The Wing should make a conscious effort of registering at least 500,000 females across the length and breadth of the country and when successfully done will translate into electoral victory for the party.

At the Constituency Level,  Otiko`s strategy must involve tasking the various Polling Station Women’s Organizers to identify, encourage and recruit females they know to be sympathizers of the  New Patriotic Party under the coordination and supervision of the Constituency Women’s Organizer. It should be stated that all within the wing from the polling Station level to the National Women’s Organizer would be expected to identify and register/ recruit sympathizers into the Wing and the party at large.

I will end by quoting Eric Bawa that “Madam Afiko Djaba must draw her programme to include visiting all the Constituency Women’s Organizers to see what plans they have put in place to win more souls for the NPP. There is the need for Madam Djaba to compel these Women’s Organizers to write periodic reports to her office and there is also the need for her to follow up to see what they wrote in their reports and whether any action has been taken. When Madam Djaba wanted to be re-elected as the National Women’s Organizer, she criss-crossed the country and even slept in some villages all in an attempt to win votes. Now that she has been given the nod, she should move from Accra and hit the roads.”